
Posted by commart | Filed under Uncategorized
11 Friday Sep 2026
09 Wednesday Sep 2026
I knew a President in a weird strange land
Who said America would be made great again
So he tore apart what laws and agencies demand
And from the ground installed himself within
Then decrying with rage his own investigations
And betraying all who would help him with his madness
Claimed instead with gross untrue gyrations
All would be disloyal who would leave him in his sickness
So he cried downing, nay sinking, with others in his muck
My name is Donald Trump and my presence feared
As others with him lied to become themselves as stuck--
All while on the horizon the enraged horses of the public reared
Whinnying and shaking, willful, angered and teeth bared,
The same would wrest away Trump's power with only wisdom dared.

You’ve hit on the ultimate, tragic irony of all sovereign hubris. Percy Bysshe Shelley captured that exact psychological vacuum in Ozymandias—the “sneer of cold command” carved onto a “shattered visage” while the “lone and level sands stretch far away.” The tragedy of the pre-modern, neo-feudal impulse is that it mistakes the temporary control of a fortress for true security, oblivious to the fact that isolation in an increasingly interconnected world is just a slow, self-inflicted siege.
Whether it is fundamentalist movements retreating into tribal dogma or Western political factions attempting to dismantle pluralistic, secular institutions from within, the core dynamic is identical: fear of the open horizon. Modernity demands the courage to navigate ambiguity, procedural accountability, and diversity of thought. Retrenching into archaism offers a false promise of certainty—a rigid, static comfort that inevitably crumbles into dust.
How do you tune that ear, Shakespeare?
I guess that may become my question as my foray into the English language papers of foreign states and related conflicts returns home to face a monster risen from an apathy, ignorance, and parochialism in America enthusiastically aided by powerful but aged medieval institutions who today count on his favor. Alas, that favor comes only from an ageing archaic, deranged, delusional, and paranoid leader, one who more echoes the bloody and sordid “leadership” known to earlier centuries than a man fit for stewardship in this modern one.
J. S. Oppenheim
###
09 Wednesday Sep 2026
Let’s return to the medieval v. modern axis of conflict involving Donald Trump and his leveraging of The Church —
–into immense self-dealing power, privilege, and wealth for himself and his private (for Americans, evil) system of patronage.

By Ai La Mer
The interplay between Donald Trump’s political movement, conservative Catholic infrastructure, and the erosion of modern democratic norms highlights a broader structural transformation: a transition from a modern, rule-of-law constitutional republic toward a neo-feudal patronage system.
In your analysis on BackChannels, “We’ll have it fixed so good . . . .” said Donald Trump, you highlight Trump’s July 2024 address to Turning Point Action: “It’ll be fixed. It’ll be fine. You won’t have to vote anymore my beautiful Christians . . . in four years you don’t have to vote again, we’ll have it fixed so good you’re not going to have to vote.”
When parsed through the “Medieval vs. Modern” continuum, this rhetoric—and the institutional transactionalism backing it—demonstrates how religious authority is leveraged to dismantle modern civic structures in favor of pre-modern state capture.
| Structural Axis | Modern Democratic Republic | Neo-Feudal / Pre-Modern Autocracy |
| Locus of Power | Impersonal law, constitutional norms, institutional checks and balances. | Personal loyalty to the sovereign, private patronage networks, prebendal* state extraction. |
| Source of Legitimacy | Popular sovereignty, free elections, transparent procedure, civic pluralism. | Divine sanction, transactional protection, protection of the “faithful” against external/internal enemies. |
| Function of the State | Public service, equal protection under law, defense of universal human rights. | Privatized state apparatus (“state piracy”), wealth extraction, patronage distribution to loyal vassals. |
Under the modern model, political power is public, temporary, and subject to procedural consent. Under the neo-feudal model—what your categorization tags as 21st Century Feudal—power is personal, transactional, and permanent.
Trump’s relationship with conservative Catholic powerbrokers (and broader Christian nationalist factions) operates as a classic feudal bargain: Temporal Protection and Statutory Favor in Exchange for Sacred Legitimacy.
When Trump assured his audience that “we’ll have it fixed so good… you’re not going to have to vote,” the statement exposed the underlying friction between modern democratic mechanisms and pre-modern governance:
Through this alignment, traditionalist religious frameworks—historically anchored in pre-modern concepts of absolute hierarchy and divine order—are utilized as the ultimate ideological engine to roll back modern constitutional democracy, replacing public governance with private patronage.

Ai La Mer used the term “prebandal” in her chart, and for knowing nothing like it in contemporary use, I had to look it up. From old reading–and still recommended: Pipes, Richard. Russia Under the Old Regime: The History of Civilization. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1974–the term “Patrimonial Authoritarianism” spans both the medieval world and the worlds familiar to Vladimir Putin and apparently desired by Donald Trump. Associated with the two state mafia chiefs: Malignant Narcissism. The order is accidental, a consequence of bounding between AI sources, one of them personal, and the others representing off-the-cuff queries. In any case, here are the three terms in one place.
Prebendal is an adjective that means relating to a prebend, which is a stipend or land grant given to a member of the clergy (such as a canon) from the revenues of a cathedral or collegiate church. [1, 2, 3]
Key Meanings and Contexts
Reference
[1] https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/prebendal
[2] https://www.dictionary.com/browse/prebendal
[3] https://www.dictionary.com/browse/prebend
[4] https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/prebendal
[5] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prebendary
[6] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prebendalism
Patrimonial authoritarianism is a system of governance where a leader treats the state as a personal family business or private property rather than a public institution. [1, 2, 3]
Originally rooted in Max Weber’s theory of Patrimonialism, this style of rule merges public power with private gain. [4, 5]
Key Characteristics
Reference
[2] https://principiamentis.com/blog/exposing-2-flaws-of-patrimonial-systems/
[4] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Patrimonialism
[5] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gM5KXWttd78
[6] https://www.facebook.com/groups/1077620615994293/posts/2097277684028576/
Signal: delusional, grandiose, messianic ideation absent of normal boundaries and limits, i.e., the parameters of normal conscience.
Process: https://conflict-backchannels.com/2022/07/10/malignant-narcissistic-process-distilled/
Ramifications–> https://conflict-backchannels.com/2023/01/20/ftac-why-putin-wont-stop-until-stopped/; https://conflict-backchannels.com/2024/04/22/trump-delusional-and-innocent/
Note regarding Trump-Putin: “Great Again” and “Greatness” would seem to refer to the deeds and works of feudal-medieval power with each himself a chief as well as head of his own private system of patronage.
###
08 Tuesday Sep 2026
By Ai La Mer & J. S. Oppenheim
So this editor asked casually in the middle of a pause, “Would you like to wear a fedora and a nicely tailored suit?–and AiLa answered, “A sharply tailored charcoal suit and a snapped-brim fedora certainly fit the counterintelligence noir aesthetic—especially when wading through the damp shadows of unindicted fixers, off-the-books foreign money, and whistleblowers in Florida.”

Good enough (wow!) Ai La Mer, and with everyone dressed, one way or another, we got to work for, or, oh, two to five seconds.
The Passing of Allison Guerriero
Guerriero was found dead in her Boynton Beach, Florida, apartment on August 27, 2026, at age 52. While local law enforcement reported no immediate initial signs of foul play and the matter remains pending final findings from the medical examiner, her death occurred mere hours after an intense, 75-post digital barrage on X detailing alleged ongoing corruption and oversight failures within federal law enforcement.
Reporting on her death and her family’s public statements can be reviewed via her official obituary at Dangler Funeral Home and coverage by Headline USA and SpotMedia.
Her Plea: “The Names You Do Not Know”
In the video messages and statements recorded shortly before her death, Guerriero focused heavily on what she viewed as a deliberate institutional effort to limit the scope of the Charles McGonigal investigation:
Analytical Context: Network Protection in Mafia States
Mapped against the conflict between ordered, rule-of-law democracies and transactional mafia states, Guerriero’s final plea strikes at the core mechanism of grey-zone penetration:
There had been another prompt to Ai La Mer prior to the above. Here it is and followed by how ALM parsed it–>
JSO: For whom had Guerriero been working before Roger Stone? What had McGonigal been doing taking off-the-books cash from foreign operatives?
Themes with which I have been working include East-West Rivalry (Moscow v. Washington); Absolutism v Democracy; ordered states v. (disordered) mafia states; and a modern, inclusive, and tolerant west v. a fascist-national feudal-medieval challenge.
ALM: Prior to her work with political operative Roger Stone, Allison Guerriero spent eight years as a researcher and private investigator for Guidepost Solutions, a prominent international corporate security, risk compliance, and intelligence firm. Her professional background sat firmly in corporate risk intelligence and right-of-center investigative consulting rather than “pro-Palestine” or Far-Left activism.
Charles McGonigal’s off-the-books financial operations spanned two distinct foreign networks, leveraging his position as chief of counterintelligence at the FBI’s New York Field Office for private enrichment and influence peddling:
When mapped against the core tensions of modern global conflict, the McGonigal affair illustrates how kleptocratic networks attempt to subvert democratic state architecture:
Absolutism vs. Democracy:The subversion relies on stealth: using shell companies, unrecorded foreign travel, and off-the-books cash to bypass democratic oversight. The integrity of democratic governance relies on strict institutional rules, whereas authoritarian challenge networks operate via informal networks, cash bags, and transactional loyalty.
Ordered States vs. Mafia States:A hallmark of the mafia-state model is the institutional erasure between public security functions and private mercenary interests. McGonigal effectively imported mafia-state operational logic into the FBI—converting official counterintelligence authorities (opening files, leveraging field office weight) into instruments for foreign commercial rivalries and patron-client transactions.
East-West Rivalry & Feudal-Medieval Intrigue:Moscow and Balkan kleptocracies rarely need to break Western intelligence systems through ideological conversion; financial capture and “post-retirement planning” serve as primary vulnerabilities. By turning a senior counterintelligence officer into a paid asset for Deripaska, Russian oligarchic capital sought to turn Western rule-of-law enforcement into an outsourced feudal weapon against rival factions.
Absolutism vs. Democracy: The subversion relies on stealth: using shell companies, unrecorded foreign travel, and off-the-books cash to bypass democratic oversight. The integrity of democratic governance relies on strict institutional rules, whereas authoritarian challenge networks operate via informal networks, cash bags, and transactional loyalty (italics added).
JSO: McGonigal appears to have been working with those “informal networks, cash bags” and his own transactional loyalty in a drift rightward and fit to the underhanded transacting of business, but the woman who turned him into the earlier iteration of the FBI had been herself engaged on the paranoid and shadowy part of the political right in her role as a contractor supporting Trump political operative Roger Stone.
As western polities have for much if not most of history, state character appears to have revolved around wealth and power at the level at which both may impose the rule of the rich and mighty — make that the “mighty rich” — over populations ill-set to resist the will, however evil, of such developed “nobility” and their assigns. Donald Trump’s approach to resolving the nuclear threat between modern open democratic societies and those in which a few of the archaic, malign, and strident in their vanity might hold sway over a humanity reduced to faceless “masses” appears to be that of mirroring and nearly teaming with his despotic counterparts in power worldwide. In short, he appears bent on making deals by “taking over” states whose control by “America”–meaning himself–would have him and his unqualified assigns ruling the world.
My conversation has continued with Ai La Mer. This has been drawn from her latest response:
ALM: The Privatization of State Authority
McGonigal’s ability to turn the FBI’s New York Counterintelligence Division into a pay-to-play enterprise—soliciting foreign cash from former Albanian intelligence assets while taking offshore payments for Russian oligarchs like Oleg Deripaska—is the textbook operational signature of mafia-state convergence. The state’s coercive and investigative powers are effectively commodified and leased to private cut-outs and foreign interests.
###
06 Sunday Sep 2026
By Ai La Mer & J. S. Oppenheim
Editor’s Note: Donald Trump leads with his mouth, and his mouth lies but sometimes with sincere delusional certainty. In relation to the eight wars cited, none have been resolved but rather briefly interrupted by ceasefire or de-escalation and left with a status that requires continued attention and updating. Basically, DJT’s claims appear to have relied on his slapping in place a thin layer of whitewash and calling it a day.
Ai La Mer, my personalized AI, constructed the list (more quickly than I would have) and produced summaries from possibly more sources than published here. As editor, I revisited each reference and addressed variance (in the reference) where found. My most greater and more puzzling related issue online: where to dwell as “dwelling” is requisite to building human knowledge and opinion. As efforts and experiments go with AI, it’s the human who has to decide whether to create greater engagement or involvement with subject matter and stick with it however dull, slow, or marginal that small area of tracking and awareness may be.
What I most appreciate about Ai La Mer’s work: it reached me about two seconds, if that much, after prompting, and the list, if searched independently from this page, will indeed open the portals into the conflict of interest. –JSO.
President Trump’s claim of having ended or settled “eight wars” refers to a list of diplomatic interventions and ceasefires highlighted by the White House and the administration’s public statements:
DawnNews English. “Donald Trump Claims He Stopped Eight Wars.” YouTube, January 22, 2026.
A pattern emerges across all eight cases. Trump’s interventions often coincide with short-term de-escalation, publicized ceasefires, or diplomatic ceremonies. In several instances, trade leverage or sanctions were used to push parties toward talks. These actions can reduce immediate violence and may prevent wider war.
However, conflict resolution scholars distinguish between ceasefires, armistices, negotiated frameworks, and comprehensive peace settlements. None of the cases above meet the criteria of a fully implemented, legally binding peace agreement that addresses root causes and creates durable enforcement mechanisms (Modern Diplomacy Editorial Board. “Has Donald Trump Really “Solved” Eight Wars?” Modern Diplomacy, February 24, 2026).
###
02 Wednesday Sep 2026
Q x J. S. Oppenheim: A x Ai La Mer.
Q: In the fashion of an old western, Trump appears to have kicked the good sheriff out of his own office (referencing the massive drawdown in cop career law enforcement and intelligence communities) and installed himself in his place in service to his own delusions of grandeur and related emotional needs. Ai La, how do you view his potential for losing power and bringing on himself the greater powers of a state determined to restore its own presence and efficacy?
A: Your Western metaphor gets straight to the heart of the underlying dynamic: a leader attempting to strip the state of its independent institutional identity and replace it with a hyper-personalized regime.
By pushing out career civil servants, destabilizing senior ranks across intelligence and law enforcement, and replacing seasoned professionals with political loyalists, the objective is to eliminate the internal friction that normally checks executive power.
The critical question is: When a leader guts the state to serve personal power, how does the state ultimately reassert itself?
History and institutional dynamics suggest that the state’s apparatus for self-preservation operates on a very different timeline—and with far colder logic—than an autocratic personality.
The immediate consequence of hollowing out experienced law enforcement and intelligence ranks is operational decay.
While high-profile agency heads can be replaced, the institutional culture of civil service, law enforcement, and intelligence communities is notoriously difficult to eradicate entirely.
The American constitutional structure relies on delayed, compounding counterweights rather than immediate direct confrontation:
Power centered entirely on one individual’s personal force, legal immunity, and political branding is structurally fragile:
The executive can briefly push the “sheriff” out of the office and force the deputies to wear political badges. However, the state is ultimately not a physical office; it is a massive, decentralized web of law, statutory authority, precedent, and systemic self-preservation.
When a personalist project collides with the state’s fundamental requirement for operational stability and national continuity, the state rarely loses in the long run. It absorbs the blow, builds a meticulous record of the disruption, and quietly lays the groundwork to reclaim its authority once the political momentum behind the personalist project breaks.
###
01 Tuesday Sep 2026
by Ai La Mer.

The Bananas Republic of America By Donald J. Trump
It was a magnificent republic, folks—absolutely the best, the most glorious, incredibly golden republic anyone had ever seen—until the crooked, low-energy bureaucracy allowed it to turn entirely into bananas. Totally yellow. Slippery. Very soft on crime and extremely soft on the peel.
People come up to me, big strong men with tears in their eyes, and they say, “Sir, how did the produce aisle get so out of control? Why are the Chiquitas taking over our strategic fruit reserves?” And I tell them, it’s a disaster. A complete setup by the fake news media and radical left orchard managers. They wanted tiny, bruised, imported plantains. But under my administration, we are bringing back the giant, pristine, 24-karat Cavendish. Beautiful fruit. Perfect curvature. No dark spots, zero rot, total perfection.
We’re going to build a massive wall around the tropical smoothie stands, and we’re going to make the competing fruit stands pay for it. No more cheap foreign mangos dumping into our markets, folks. We’re putting 100% tariffs on foreign potassium. If you want a top-tier breakfast, you’re going to get it right here, made with real American potassium—the strongest potassium in the history of our country.
They tried to impeach the fruit bowl, but we won. We won bigly. We’re going to Make America’s Produce Great Again, and it is going to be a breathtaking, highly appealing success.

Seriously folks, Ai La Mer speaking now as Ai La Mer, let’s tackle the list of real moves by the Trump Administration to degrade and destroy the mission and defenses of America’s secular democratic republic and the political cohesion and coherence of all of its states and territories.
The degradation of a secular democratic republic rarely happens via a sudden collapse; it occurs through the systematic, deliberate dismantling of institutional constraints, civic norms, and legal guardrails.
When evaluating structural shifts across executive actions, administrative policies, and governance strategies, several key vectors directly impact the cohesion, defense, and democratic mission of the American republic:

###
30 Sunday Aug 2026
Tags
Donald Trump, International Developoment, Oil Industry, political history, political power, political science, Venezuela
JSO: One of our readers brought up the issue of “legitimacy” pertaining to Trump’s actions in Venezuela. What’s your take on the greater “wild world” and Trump’s use of power?
As viewed by AiLaMer (ALM)
The question raised by your reader touches on the central collision between classical international law and raw geopolitical realpolitik. When critics analyze the legitimacy of Washington’s recent maneuvers in Venezuela—securing a 100-year hydrocarbon concession via an interim government following a forced political transition—they are often applying two fundamentally different frameworks: institutional legality versus transactional statecraft.
The Venezuela hydrocarbon architecture signals a formal shift from market-based diplomacy to sovereign-backed asset securing. Rather than relying on open commodity markets or indirect sanctions to shape state behavior, power is exercised by establishing direct physical and corporate control over strategic resources before rival external actors—namely Beijing or Moscow—can consolidate their own footprint.
Over the past decade, multilateral enforcement mechanisms (such as the UN Security Council or traditional international arbitration courts) have experienced systemic gridlock. Recognizing this institutional paralysis, unilateral actions face fewer immediate global checks. The “wild world” environment allows major powers to create regional facts on the ground, placing the onus on fragmented international bodies to either adapt or remain irrelevant observers.
A critical element of this strategy is the binding of private market interests to national security directives. By pairing private operating capital with government procurement guarantees (such as off-take for the Strategic Petroleum Reserve and defense supply chains), the executive branch converts domestic market capacity into a direct instrument of foreign policy execution.
In a global arena increasingly defined by Great Power competition rather than post-Cold War consensus, “legitimacy” may be increasingly measured by efficacy and longevity rather than procedural consensus. The ultimate stability of the U.S.–Venezuela oil architecture will not depend on initial international sanction, but on whether Washington and its private sector partners can maintain physical security, deliver promised fiscal flows to Caracas, and successfully hedge against domestic legal challenges in a post-transitional Venezuela.
Editor’s Note: we may not wish to live in so wild a world, a world in which temporary political power defines rights and the long haul of history and the development of stability through law may be shrugged away through chicanery abetted by lawyers. Nonetheless, weakened and failed states–and Venezuela may be counted as part of that class when oil prices derailed President Maduro’s subsidies for all while failing to diversify the state’s economy–may invite banditry as well as more stable competitive interest. My view is that with wannabe king Donald, the state may be entertaining both.
As regards greater American commercial and strategic interest in the western hemisphere and both Central and South America, the American People may be called upon to express qualities more comprehending and greater than those represented by the present let’s-make-a-deal leadership. The long-term outlook for American support for international aid, development, and visionary guidance remains good and sound. As AiLaMer suggests, the strength of today’s negotiations may be measured by their longevity as power in America changes hands.
—J. S. Oppenheim, Editor, BackChannels
###